Here's a picture from TV-5's Facebook page showing former senator Paolo Benigno "Bam" A. Aquino's campaign. If I'm not wrong, he's the youngest great-grandson of Servilliano Aquino (who was a general under Emilio Aguinaldo), as his age gap with the late Benigno Simeon "Noynoy" C. Aquino III is born in 195,8 and Bam was born in 1977. As I look at the billboards, Francis "Kiko" Pangilinan apparently uses his marriage to actress Sharon Cuneta to endorse his candicacy. Looking at Bam's campaign reminds me of how actors and athletes are often hired to endorse candidates. That makes me ask, "What's the use of complaining about Robinhood Padilla in the Senate when your favorite candidates are endorsed also by actors and athletes? Isn't that still showbiz politics?"
A shame that Bam should be caught in the act doing what he did--because of his
fine intelligence as a businessman. Bam's business achievements are something I can only
dream of achieving. That's why there's much truth in saying, "A bad system can ruin a good person any time." Are we just going to gamble, hoping for good leaders who will not be ruined by the bad system? Unfortunately, Filipinos are still thinking that nothing is wrong with the system, just the leaders. Come on, what dictates what politicians and citizens should do? The 1987 Constitution for all its merits, is still
severely flawed and
severely outdated. Why would you want a newer, better iPhone but not a newer, better constitution? The 1987 Constitution's Article XVII is there, just in case the
system itself needs updating!
What do campaign period look like? Above is an artwork by Butthurt Philippines. Right now, I'll just give Lico Reloj the benefit of the doubt, that he's just being sarcastic when he said that 1987 is perfect the way it is. It's because he used the word elongation--a tool often used to portray sarcasm. If not, I'll just have to consider him a chronic whiner, like Gerry Cacanindin, who's always whining on Facebook. Gerry probably only whines because his idols didn't win the election. People keep complaining on social media that people aren't voting wisely. However, one must ask can you truly vote wisely when the presidential system is based on popularity?
Popularity-based systems don't encourage citizens ot vote wisely. That means even if those who keep saying, "The solution is to vote wisely." will dance and sing, "Vote wisely! Vote wisely!", the entire day under the scorching heat of the sun--it will all come to naught! It's because when it's the presidential system, one needs to take a look at the focus...
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| Inquirer |
This reminds me of promises last election. What's the use of criticizing the PHP 20.00 per kilo rice campaign when one's also looking at campaigning during election seasons? I would like to address the campaign here. The campaign focuses so much on Kiko and Bam instead of the Liberal Party of the Philippines. The candidates are even overshadowing their own parties, by saying, "Vote for (insert candidate)." instead of "Vote for the Liberal Party of the Philippines." If the platform of the Dilawans focus on the Liberal Party--it would encourage them to actually think about focusing on their platforms instead of (insert member) as the focus.
We talk too much about political dynasties, but do we know the exact cause of the fat dynasties?
Why are Singapore's political dynasties
much slimmer than the Philippines (read
here)? Why are dynasties in the Philippines, well, fat? You should take a look at what caused so-and-so to ride on the family tree.
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Inquirer
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Simple. It's all about name recall. Let's think about Ramon "Bong' Revilla Jr. and his late father, Ramon Revilla Sr.. Now, think about how father and son became a political dynasty. Both father and son have their own popularity. Both are actors and politicians. That's what causes the son to ride on the father, and maybe more Revillas. The Binays may be riding on Jejomary Binay. The same goes for the Estradas, Aquinos, Villars, and the Marcoses. What's even funnier is that despite the bad reputation of the protectionist Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr.--why did his son, President Ferdinand "Bongbong" R. Marcos Jr., even win?! Why did Imelda Romualdez-Marcos even become a lawmaker despite her bad reputation? The list can go on and on. Maybe, one can even think that wishing James "Bimby" Aquino Yap will enter politics is pretty much based on the Aquino name. Let's think it over that when Benigno Simeon "Ninoy" A. Aquino Jr. died--Maria Corazon "Cory" S. Cojuangco-Aquino became president. When Cory died, well, the late Benigno Simeon "Ninoy" C. Aquino III became president.
The political dynasties are rooted in these things--the presidential system and popularity-based politics. In short, trying to say that we need to "fully enforce" the 1987 Constitution for the country to progress, is bad. For example, would you still use Windows 2.0 (which was from 1987) when it's 2025? You couldn't fully enforce Windows 2.0 to go against advanced threats made in 1987! An antivirus needs updating because of new viruses. The 1987 Constitution can be compared to an outdated Windows that couldn't support the newer antivirus, which requires Windows 11. The same goes with the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines--it's so outdated that the Philippines couldn't receive better updates to improve both politically and economically!
What keeps political dynasties in parliamentary systems, well, slim?
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| Straits Times |
One could talk about how the parliamentary system will not work in the Philippines, because of our existing political dynasties. Please, the real cause of the political dynasties is because of name recall. However, from the very words of the great late Lee Kuan Yew, he wrote these words in
From Third World to First, a book that Flor Contemplacion crybabies (who have been spreaking fake news for 30 years, and more, read here), penned down based on his
experience:When Loong was still unsettled after his bereavement, Goh Chok Tong, then the minister of defense and assistant secretary-general of the PAP, invited him to stand for Parliament in the December 1984 general election. At that time Loong was a colonel on the general staff and the joint staff in the SAF. Chok Tong as his minister, had a high assessment of Loong's potential in politics. Loong was concerned, that as a widower with two young children, he would find it difficult to manage the family as he would have to be absent much of the time on political work. He discussed it with Choo and me. I told him that if he missed the coming election, he would have to wait for four to five years before he would have another chance. With every passing year, he would find it more difficult to change and adjust to political life, especially learning to work with people in the constituencies and the unions. Most of all, he had to feel deeply for people, be able to communicate his feelings for them. At the age of 32, Loong left the SAF and contested the elections in December. He won one of the highest majorities of any candidate in the election.
I appointed Loong, a junior minister in the ministry of trade and industry. His minister immediately put him in charge of a private sector committee to review the economy just as we entered a severe recession in 1985. The committee's proposals that the government take strong steps to reduce business costs and strengthen competitiveness were a major political test for Loong and the other ministers. In November 1990, when I resigned as prime minister, Loong was appointed deputy prime minister, Loong was appointed deputy prime minister by Prime Minister Goh Cok tong.
Many of my critics thought this smacked of nepotism, that he was unduly favored because he was my son. On the contrary, as I told the party conference in 1989, the year before I resigned, it would not be good for Singapore or for Loong to have him succeed me. He would be seen as having inherited the office from me when he should deserve the position on his own merit. He was still young and it was better that someone else succeed me as prime minister. Then were Loong to make the grade later, it would be clear that he made it on his own merit.
For several years, Chok Tong had to endure the jeers of foreign critics that he was a seat warmer for Loong. But after Chok Tong won his second general election in 1997 and consolidated his position as his own man, the jeering stopped. As Chok Tong's deputy, Loong has established his standing as a political leader in his own right--determined, fast, and versatile in ranging over the whole field of government. Almost every difficult or taxing problem in any ministry had his attention. Ministers, MPs, and senior civil servants knew this. I could have stayed on a few years longer and allowed him to gather support to be the leader. I did not do so.
LKY gave LSH the job. But guess what? Loong never had any special treatment and had to take orders from the senior minister. Loong couldn't even be prime minister without proving himself first. Loong had to take orders like everybody else. That means members of Loong's family couldn't even ride on the legacy of LKY. They had to prove they were able to stand at their own merits, even if they would forever be stuck in LKY's shadow.
- Study and specialize
- Wait for the call
- Tea sessions and panels
- Take a test
- Perform well as an MP
- Win the trust of your peers
- Prepare for office
Let's put this hypothetical scenario in the Philippines. I doubt it that Bongbong would've made it to the position of prime minister,
given the rigorous steps. I even heard Bongbong
never graduated from Harvard. Bongbong would need to study and specialize, not party all the time. Bongbong would need to take tea sessions and then take a test. If Bongbong isn't qualified, can he even become a member of the parliament? I wonder if that marites Raissa Espinosa-Robles does any more research (read
here). If we look into the requirements to become a prime minister, it's not easy. Bongbong may never survive the scrutiny. However, even if he did all the seven steps, he can still be removed as prime minister, through a direct vote of no confidence, should be keep saying nonsense in the parliamentary system. The same can be true for anyone. Noynoy could've been removed as prime minister if he kept saying, "I don't know..." to the questions.
If the Philippines were under a parliamentary system, you can think of how fat dynasties would be forced to slim down. It's because it doesn't matter what one's surname is compared to how one contributes to their party. Loong had to prove himself and his being LKY's son would mean nothing if he didn't prove himself. The same would go for any Aquino, Marcos, Enrile, Revilla, Binay, etc. Members of the family will need to prove themselves. As said, if Atty. Maria Leonor "Leni" Gerona-Robredo's three daughters can prove themselves--why not? However, the Robredo sisters would need to follow orders like everyone else to prove themselves. If all three Robredo daughters are capable of being Members of Parliament (MP), then why not? It wouldn't matter if even family members become MPs if they're all capable. If not, free riding isn't an option. Either you prove yourself first to your party and not because you're a member of a certain family.
Don't be like the people who think that nothing is wrong with the "sacred and holy" 1987 Constitution of the Philippines. It's already an old operating system. Please, the Marcos Years were never a real parliament, to begin with (read
here). Just because a country has a prime minister (ex. South Korea, Taiwan), doesn't mean it's automatically a parliamentary system. In fact, Cesar Virata was nothing more than an executive assistant, than an MP (read
here). We need to think it over that the
root cause of the Philippines'
current woes is not that Marcos rose into power and plundered (which resulted in the past woes) but the political system, which is all based on popularity-personality politics.
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