The Whole Cry of "No to Political Dynasties" (for the Sake of It) is a Self-Destructive Mechanism

There's no questions asked that fat political dynastes are problematic. Some people say, "No need to change/amend the constitution, just pass the anti-dynasty law." Well, it's really stupid when you've got netizens who are still fixated over political dynasties (for the sake of it) than what gave birth to the fat dynasties (which are indeed, problematic). However, a lot of Filipinos are obsessed with the idea, "It's not the system, it's the people!" Come on, basic psychology tells us that the system tells us what to do. An outdated operating system will be a huge disadvantage, sooner or later. 

The first problem has to do with passing the anti-dynasty bill, but the one wrote the idea is still from a political dynasty

It's crazy to say, "No to political dynasties." while supporting Jose Manuel "Chel" Diokno and Paolo Benigno A. Aquino--both members of political dynasties! Don't tell me that Bam couldn't be part of a political dynasty, because, genetically (and legally) speaking, he's also a great-grandson of Servilliano Aquino, and a grandson of Beningo Aquino Sr., and nephew of Benigno Aquino "Ninoy" Aquino Jr.. Chel's father Jose "Pepe" Diokno was also a politician. Did we forget dynasties are a series of successions?

If we must look into the problem, it's not about political dynasties. What we must worry instead are dynasties born out of political name recall (read here). There was even a Facebook joke that said that should ever Benigno Simeon "Noynoy" C. Aquino III would die (and he's dead now)--maybe Joshua Aquino would become the next president of the Philippines. How did Noynoy get prodded to run? It was because his mother Maria Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino died of cancer in 2009. Mrs. Aquino was prodded to run as president (to which, she was better off as a national symbol of unity with a prime minister) because her husband, Ninoy, was unjustly shot. 

The second problem lies with what if competency defines that dynasty

I'm not going to deny whatever credentials that the Monsods have. For one, I can only dream of having the position that her husband Atty. Christian Monsod (jokingly called XTian Monsod on social media) and her have. However, we need to look into common sense. We tell people note to vote for political dynasties. But what if we're voting good political dynasties? What if we vote the children of so-and-so because they're good? 

Let's talk about essica Marie "Aika' Robredo (management engineering), Janine Patricia "Tricia" Gerona Robredo (a doctor in medicine), and Jillian Therese "Jill" Gerona Robredo (double degree in economics and mathematics). These are hard-to-attain degrees one way or another. Now, let's say, "Don't vote for political dynasties." but all three Robredo sisters are competent in their own fields. Let's say alll three daughters run for either district or legislative positions and they're good at what they do? Are we going to avoid voting for Aika, Tricia, and Jill because, well they're now part of a dynasty? It would be a waste of all three Robredo daughters can prove to be better, but they're all disqualified simply because they're part of a political dynasty. 

Conclusion

The Straits Times

It's pretty much looking at the problem of dynasties, rather than fat dynasties. Some may say Singapore doesn't need an anti-dynasty ban, because the late Lee Kuan Yew, unlike the late Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr., wasn't corrupt. However, the real issue is the system, not just leadership. LKY's son Lee Hsien Loong is part of a dynasty. But what causes their dynasty to be slim? It's because of a lack of name recall in the parliamentary system.

LKY penned this down in his book From Third World to First, as a man of credibility:

When Loong was still unsettled after his bereavement, Goh Chok Tong, then the minister of defense and assistant secretary-general of the PAP, invited him to stand for Parliament in the December 1984 general election. At that time Loong was a colonel on the general staff and the joint staff in the SAF. Chok Tong as his minister, had a high assessment of Loong's potential in politics. Loong was concerned, that as a widower with two young children, he would find it difficult to manage the family as he would have to be absent much of the time on political work. He discussed it with Choo and me. I told him that if he missed the coming election, he would have to wait for four to five years before he would have another chance. With every passing year, he would find it more difficult to change and adjust to political life, especially learning to work with people in the constituencies and the unions. Most of all, he had to feel deeply for people, be able to communicate his feelings for them. At the age of 32, Loong left the SAF and contested the elections in December. He won one of the highest majorities of any candidate in the election. 

I appointed Loong, a junior minister in the ministry of trade and industry. His minister immediately put him in charge of a private sector committee to review the economy just as we entered a severe recession in 1985. The committee's proposals that the government take strong steps to reduce business costs and strengthen competitiveness were a major political test for Loong and the other ministers. In November 1990, when I resigned as prime minister, Loong was appointed deputy prime minister, Loong was appointed deputy prime minister by Prime Minister Goh Cok tong. 

Many of my critics thought this smacked of nepotism, that he was unduly favored because he was my son. On the contrary, as I told the party conference in 1989, the year before I resigned, it would not be good for Singapore or for Loong to have him succeed me. He would be seen as having inherited the office from me when he should deserve the position on his own merit. He was still young and it was better that someone else succeed me as prime minister. Then were Loong to make the grade later, it would be clear that he made it on his own merit. 

For several years, Chok Tong had to endure the jeers of foreign critics that he was a seat warmer for Loong. But after Chok Tong won his second general election in 1997 and consolidated his position as his own man, the jeering stopped. As Chok Tong's deputy, Loong has established his standing as a political leader in his own right--determined, fast, and versatile in ranging over the whole field of government. Almost every difficult or taxing problem in any ministry had his attention. Ministers, MPs, and senior civil servants knew this. I could have stayed on a few years longer and allowed him to gather support to be the leader. I did not do so.

Loong had no special treatment and had to follow his minister's orders. Loong had to win for his position. It's not like in the Philippines where everybody rides on the family name. It can also be worsened by term limits. It would mean dad's term is done, mom takes over, mom's term is done, the children take over, etc. The parliamentary system's lack of term limits (while offering a smaller scope of power) helps curb done the problem of fat dynasties instead.